In God we trust, all others bring data. – W. Edwards Deming
In 2023, I was working on a business plan for a client who wanted to launch a logistics company in Kano State. Simple enough, right? Except it wasn’t. We needed basic data.
The population of Kano metropolitan area, number of registered businesses, average household income, road network coverage, number of delivery addresses and that is where it became a nightmare. You would think this information would be readily available for the most populous state in Nigeria. You would be wrong.
The population figure we found ranged from 9 million to 16 million depending on which source you used. The Natonal Bureau of Statistics had one number, the state government had another. The UN population estimates had a third.
The World Bank used yet another figure. And the last actual census was in 2006, nearly two decades ago, when the Kano population was counted at about 9.4 million. In a state growing at maybe 3 percent annually, the current population could be anything. We were literally guessing and our guesses were not even informed by any reliable data.
The number of registered businesses? No comprehensive database exists. Average household income? The NBS does household surveys, but the sample sizes are small, the methodology is questionable, and the data is years out of date by the time it is published. Road network coverage? I called three different agencies and got three completely different answers.
Number of delivery addresses? Nigeria does not have a functional address system. Most streets in Kano do not have names. Most houses do not have numbers. How do you run a delivery company in a country where you cannot describe where people live?
That experience crystallized something I had been thinking about for years. Nigeria does not have a data problem, Nigeria has a data crisis. We are running a country of over 200 million people essentially blind. We do not know how many we are.
We do not know where we live. We do not know what we earn. We do not know what we produce. We do not know what we consume. And because we do not know any of this, every policy decision is a guess, every budget is fiction, and every business projection is built on vibes and In Sha Allah.
This is not a minor administrative inconvenience. This is a fundamental governance failure that affects every aspect of Nigerian life, from healthcare to education to infrastructure to security. You cannot solve problems you cannot measure. You cannot allocate resources to populations you cannot count. You cannot plan for a future you cannot model. And yet here we are, the giant of Africa, stumbling around in the dark because we refuse to turn on the light.
The Census Catastrophe
Let us start with the most basic data point of all. How many Nigerians are there? The honest answer is nobody knows. Nigeria’s last census was in 2006. It counted 140 million people, a number that was immediately controversial.
Northern states claimed they were undercounted. Southern states claimed the north was overcounted. Ethnic groups accused each other of inflating numbers for political advantage. The census became not a statistical exercise but a political weapon, because in Nigeria, population determines revenue allocation, political representation, and power.
The 2006 census itself was riddled with problems. Enumerators were poorly trained. Some areas were inaccessible due to security concerns. The technology was outdated. There were widespread allegations of manipulation.
The results were challenged in court by several states. And yet, nearly twenty years later, this deeply flawed count remains the official basis for planning in Africa largest economy. The World Bank and the UN use projections based on this flawed baseline, which means their estimates are also unreliable.
A new census has been planned, postponed, replanned, and re-postponed multiple times. The National Population Commission has been promising a new census for over a decade. Each time, the exercise is derailed by political disagreements, funding shortfalls, or security concerns.
Meanwhile, the gap between our population estimates and reality grows wider every year. Are we 210 million? 220 million? 230 million? Nobody can say with confidence, and the margin of error is not a few percentage points but potentially tens of millions of people.
The political dimension of the census cannot be overstated. In Nigeria, population is money and power. Federal revenue allocation is partly based on population. States with larger populations get more money. The number of House of Representatives seats is based on population. So every census becomes a high-stakes political battle.
Until we can decouple the census from resource allocation, or find some way to make the count politically neutral, we will continue to fight over numbers instead of collecting them.
NBS and the Methodology Problem
The National Bureau of Statistics is supposed to be the authoritative source of data on the Nigerian economy and society. In fairness, the NBS does important work with limited resources. But the limitations are severe, and they undermine the reliability of virtually everything the NBS publishes.
Take the unemployment figure for example. For years, the NBS reported Nigeria’s unemployment rate as being in the low single digits, which was laughable to anyone who had walked through any Nigerian city and seen the armies of young people with nothing to do. The problem was methodological.
The NBS was using the International Labour Organization definition of unemployment, which counted anyone who had done even one hour of work in the past week as employed. A man who washed one car for two hundred naira on a Saturday was classified as employed. A woman who sold three sachets of pure water on a Monday was employed. The definition bore no relationship to the reality of Nigerian labour markets.
Eventually, the NBS adopted a broader measure that better captured underemployment and disguised unemployment, and suddenly the combined unemployment and underemployment rate jumped to over 33 percent. The economy had not changed. The measurement had changed. And this raises the question, how much of what we think we know about Nigeria is an artifact of how we measure, rather than a reflection of reality?
The GDP rebasing exercise of 2014 is another instructive example. Nigeria rebased its GDP calculations and overnight, the economy nearly doubled in size, from about $270 billion to $510 billion. Nigeria became the largest economy in Africa, overtaking South Africa. Nothing had actually changed in the real economy.
No new factories had opened. No new oil wells had started producing. The same roads were still broken. The same hospitals were still understaffed. All that had changed was the methodology.
The NBS also suffers from severe data lag. Economic data is often published months or even years after the reference period. By the time you get the inflation figure for January, it might be March or April. By the time you get the poverty data, the situation on the ground may have changed dramatically. In a fast-moving economy with volatile exchange rates and inflation, stale data is almost as useless as no data.
The Address System That Does Not Exist
One of the most fundamental pieces of data in any modern economy is the address. Where do people live? Where do businesses operate? Where should infrastructure be built? In most developed countries, every building has a unique address that can be located precisely on a map. In Nigeria, the address system is essentially non-functional outside of a few planned areas in major cities.
I live in Lagos. If I want to tell someone where my office is, I cannot simply give them a street number and name. I have to say something like, it is on Admiralty Way, Lekki Phase 1, after the second roundabout, beside the building with the MTN mast, before the yellow gate.
This is not an address. This is a set of navigation instructions. And if the MTN mast is moved or the yellow gate is painted blue, the directions become useless.
The lack of addresses has enormous consequences. E-commerce companies cannot do efficient last-mile delivery because they cannot locate customers. Emergency services cannot find people in crisis because there is no way to communicate location precisely.
Utility companies cannot map their infrastructure to customer locations. Insurance companies cannot assess risk by location. The postal system, such as it is, can barely function. The National Identity Management Commission has tried to link identities to addresses, but you cannot link to something that does not exist.
Several tech companies have tried to solve this problem. What3Words, OkHi, and others have created alternative addressing systems. But adoption is slow because the fundamental problem is for the government to solve.
Nigerian cities were built without address systems, and retrofitting addresses onto millions of unplanned buildings is an enormous logistical challenge. The NBS cannot do proper household surveys when it cannot systematically locate households. Every data collection exercise becomes an improvisation rather than a systematic process.
The irony is that Nigeria had functional address systems in colonial times and in the early post-independence era. Lagos had street names and house numbers that worked. Kaduna, Enugu, Jos, all had planned areas with proper addresses.
But as cities grew uncontrolled, as informal settlements swallowed planned areas, as new buildings went up without any registration or numbering, the address system collapsed. We had it. We lost it. We have not rebuilt it.
Why Data Matters for Policy
Let me connect this to policy, because some people will read this and think data is an abstract academic concern. It is not. Data is the foundation of every policy decision, and when the data is wrong or missing, the policies built on it are wrong too.
Consider healthcare. The World Health Organisation recommends certain doctor-to-patient ratios, nurse-to-patient ratios, and hospital-bed-to-population ratios. To know if Nigeria meets these ratios, you need to know two things: how many healthcare workers and facilities we have, and how many people we serve. We are uncertain about both numbers.
The population figure is a guess. So when the government says it is building enough hospitals, based on what? When the WHO says Nigeria is short of 200,000 doctors, based on what? We are making life-and-death decisions about healthcare infrastructure based on estimates of estimates.
Consider education. How many children are out of school in Nigeria? UNICEF says 20 million. The Federal Ministry of Education uses a different figure. State governments provide numbers that often do not add up to the national total.
Without knowing how many children are out of school, where they are, and why they are not in school, how do you design an intervention? You end up building schools where they are not needed and ignoring areas where they are desperately needed.
Consider security. The Nigerian military and police have been fighting insurgency, banditry, and communal violence across the country. Effective security operations require intelligence, and intelligence requires data.
Where are the attacks happening? What is the pattern? Who is being displaced? Where are the displaced going? How many people are affected? Without reliable data, security forces are reactive rather than proactive, responding to crises after they happen rather than predicting and preventing them.
What Other Countries Do Right
It is useful to look at what countries with functioning data systems do differently, not to shame Nigeria but to show that solutions exist. India, with its 1.4 billion people and immense complexity, conducts a census every ten years with remarkable precision.
The Aadhaar biometric ID system has enrolled over 1.3 billion people, giving India an unprecedented ability to identify and locate its citizens. This data powers everything from welfare distribution to banking to healthcare.
Rwanda, a much smaller country but one that was devastated by genocide just thirty years ago, has built one of the most impressive data systems in Africa. Every citizen has a national ID. Every village has demographic data that is regularly updated.
The government uses data dashboards to track healthcare outcomes, agricultural production, and economic indicators in near real-time. Rwanda’s GDP per capita is a fraction of Nigeria, so the argument that we cannot afford good data systems is nonsense.
Estonia, with just 1.3 million people, has gone fully digital. Every citizen interaction with the government generates data that is stored securely and used to improve services. Estonians can vote online, file taxes online, access medical records online, and register businesses online.
The government knows where every citizen lives, what they earn, and what services they use, not for surveillance but for service delivery. Nigeria has 200 times Estonia’s population and infinitely worse data.
The common thread in all these countries is political will. They decided that data was a national priority and they invested accordingly. They created independent statistical agencies with proper funding. They built digital infrastructure. They trained enumerators and analysts. They protected data from political manipulation.
Nigeria has done none of this. Our data crisis is a choice, not an inevitability.
The Private Sector Is Not Waiting
While the government fumbles, Nigeria’s private sector has been building its own data infrastructure, often out of sheer necessity. Telecom companies probably have the most comprehensive population data in Nigeria. MTN, Airtel, and Glo know where their subscribers are, when they make calls, how much they spend on airtime, and where they travel.
This data, anonymized and aggregated, could be enormously valuable for planning. Some of it is already being used by researchers and development organisations, but the full potential is untapped.
Fintech companies are also building valuable datasets. Paystack, Flutterwave, Moniepoint, OPay, and others process millions of transactions daily. They know what Nigerians buy, where they buy it, how much they spend, and how payment patterns change over time. This is economic data that the NBS would struggle to collect through traditional surveys. Banks have even more detailed financial data on their customers.
The problem is that all these private sector data exist in silos. There is no framework for aggregating it, anonymising it, and using it for public policy. There is no data-sharing agreement between the government and the private sector. And there are legitimate privacy concerns that need to be addressed. But the data exists.
Nigeria is not a data-poor country; we are a data-fragmented country. The information is there, scattered across a thousand databases, and nobody is putting it together.
Some startups are trying. Companies building mapping and addressing solutions, agricultural data platforms, health data systems, they are doing valuable work. But without government coordination and a national data strategy, these efforts remain isolated islands of excellence in an ocean of ignorance. Wetin we dey wait for?
A 12-Point Data Agenda for Nigeria
Here is what I believe Nigeria needs to do to solve its data crisis. This is not theoretical. Every one of these steps has been implemented successfully by other developing countries:
- Conduct a credible, technology-enabled census by 2027: Use biometrics, satellite imagery, and mobile technology. Partner with the UN Population Fund. Make it happen.
- Fund the NBS properly: The NBS budget should be tripled at minimum. Statistical agencies in peer countries receive far more funding per capita.
- Create a national digital address system: Every building in Nigeria should have a unique digital address within five years. This is the foundation for everything else.
- Mandate real-time economic data reporting: Large companies should be required to report key economic data quarterly, as they do in other countries, not through surveys but through automated systems.
- Build a national data infrastructure: A secure, interoperable platform where government agencies can share data. Currently, the Central Bank of Nigeria , National Bureau of Statistics, Federal Inland Revenue Service, and other agencies maintain separate databases that do not talk to each other.
- Depoliticise the census: Admittedly, this might be very difficult considering how our federal system depends on this. However, we need to decouple population numbers from revenue allocation. As long as a higher count means more money, every census will be a political fight, not a statistical exercise.
- Create a data academy: Train thousands of statisticians, data scientists, and enumerators. Nigeria already produces numerous STEM graduates, they just need specialised training in data collection and analysis.
- Partner with telcos and fintechs for anonymised data: The data these companies hold, properly anonymised, could revolutionise policy planning. We must create legal frameworks for this partnership.
- Publish all government data as open data: Every dataset collected with public funds should be publicly accessible. Transparency in data builds trust and enables innovation.
- Establish data quality standards: Create an independent body that audits government statistics for accuracy and methodology. If the inflation figure is wrong, we should know about it.
- Integrate traditional and digital data collection: Use satellite imagery to count buildings and estimate population density. Use mobile phone data to track migration patterns. Use transaction data to measure economic activity. Do not rely solely on expensive door-to-door surveys.
- Make data literacy part of the school curriculum. From secondary school, every Nigerian should understand what data is, why it matters, and how to interpret basic statistics. A data-literate population will demand data-driven governance.
The Cost of Not Knowing
I want to close with a reflection on what it costs us to not know. Every year, the federal government distributes hundreds of billions of naira to states and local governments based on population figures that are at best twenty years old and at worst completely fabricated.
Some states are receiving more than they should. Others are receiving less. Children in some areas are being shortchanged because their state population was undercounted in 2006. That is not an administrative error. That is injustice.
Every year, donors and development organisations allocate billions of dollars to Nigeria based on data that may not reflect reality. Are they targeting the right populations? Are they funding the right interventions? Are they measuring the right outcomes?
Without reliable data, nobody knows. The money flows, the programs run, the reports are written, but whether any of it actually works is anyone’s guess.
Every year, entrepreneurs and investors make decisions about where to build businesses, where to locate factories, where to open stores, based on market data that is incomplete at best and fictional at worst. Some businesses succeed despite the bad data. Others fail because of it.
The economic cost of bad data is enormous but, ironically, unmeasurable because we do not have the data to measure it.
What gets measured gets managed. What does not get measured gets neglected.
– Peter Drucker
Nigeria, the giant of Africa, does not know how many of its children go to bed hungry. Does not know how many of its mothers die in childbirth. Does not know how many of its graduates are unemployed. Does not know how much of its GDP is in the informal sector. Does not know how many businesses operate within its borders.
This is not the profile of a giant. This is the profile of a country that has chosen ignorance over knowledge, guesswork over precision, politics over planning. Nigeria does not know where it is. How can we possibly know where we are going?
June 16, 2026
11 minute
Isreal Oyarinde
The Nigerian Data Problem: We Don’t Know How Many We Are, Where We Live, or What We Earn
Table of Contents
In God we trust, all others bring data. – W. Edwards Deming
In 2023, I was working on a business plan for a client who wanted to launch a logistics company in Kano State. Simple enough, right? Except it wasn’t. We needed basic data.
The population of Kano metropolitan area, number of registered businesses, average household income, road network coverage, number of delivery addresses and that is where it became a nightmare. You would think this information would be readily available for the most populous state in Nigeria. You would be wrong.
The population figure we found ranged from 9 million to 16 million depending on which source you used. The Natonal Bureau of Statistics had one number, the state government had another. The UN population estimates had a third.
The World Bank used yet another figure. And the last actual census was in 2006, nearly two decades ago, when the Kano population was counted at about 9.4 million. In a state growing at maybe 3 percent annually, the current population could be anything. We were literally guessing and our guesses were not even informed by any reliable data.
The number of registered businesses? No comprehensive database exists. Average household income? The NBS does household surveys, but the sample sizes are small, the methodology is questionable, and the data is years out of date by the time it is published. Road network coverage? I called three different agencies and got three completely different answers.
Number of delivery addresses? Nigeria does not have a functional address system. Most streets in Kano do not have names. Most houses do not have numbers. How do you run a delivery company in a country where you cannot describe where people live?
That experience crystallized something I had been thinking about for years. Nigeria does not have a data problem, Nigeria has a data crisis. We are running a country of over 200 million people essentially blind. We do not know how many we are.
We do not know where we live. We do not know what we earn. We do not know what we produce. We do not know what we consume. And because we do not know any of this, every policy decision is a guess, every budget is fiction, and every business projection is built on vibes and In Sha Allah.
This is not a minor administrative inconvenience. This is a fundamental governance failure that affects every aspect of Nigerian life, from healthcare to education to infrastructure to security. You cannot solve problems you cannot measure. You cannot allocate resources to populations you cannot count. You cannot plan for a future you cannot model. And yet here we are, the giant of Africa, stumbling around in the dark because we refuse to turn on the light.
The Census Catastrophe
Let us start with the most basic data point of all. How many Nigerians are there? The honest answer is nobody knows. Nigeria’s last census was in 2006. It counted 140 million people, a number that was immediately controversial.
Northern states claimed they were undercounted. Southern states claimed the north was overcounted. Ethnic groups accused each other of inflating numbers for political advantage. The census became not a statistical exercise but a political weapon, because in Nigeria, population determines revenue allocation, political representation, and power.
The 2006 census itself was riddled with problems. Enumerators were poorly trained. Some areas were inaccessible due to security concerns. The technology was outdated. There were widespread allegations of manipulation.
The results were challenged in court by several states. And yet, nearly twenty years later, this deeply flawed count remains the official basis for planning in Africa largest economy. The World Bank and the UN use projections based on this flawed baseline, which means their estimates are also unreliable.
A new census has been planned, postponed, replanned, and re-postponed multiple times. The National Population Commission has been promising a new census for over a decade. Each time, the exercise is derailed by political disagreements, funding shortfalls, or security concerns.
Meanwhile, the gap between our population estimates and reality grows wider every year. Are we 210 million? 220 million? 230 million? Nobody can say with confidence, and the margin of error is not a few percentage points but potentially tens of millions of people.
The political dimension of the census cannot be overstated. In Nigeria, population is money and power. Federal revenue allocation is partly based on population. States with larger populations get more money. The number of House of Representatives seats is based on population. So every census becomes a high-stakes political battle.
Until we can decouple the census from resource allocation, or find some way to make the count politically neutral, we will continue to fight over numbers instead of collecting them.
NBS and the Methodology Problem
The National Bureau of Statistics is supposed to be the authoritative source of data on the Nigerian economy and society. In fairness, the NBS does important work with limited resources. But the limitations are severe, and they undermine the reliability of virtually everything the NBS publishes.
Take the unemployment figure for example. For years, the NBS reported Nigeria’s unemployment rate as being in the low single digits, which was laughable to anyone who had walked through any Nigerian city and seen the armies of young people with nothing to do. The problem was methodological.
The NBS was using the International Labour Organization definition of unemployment, which counted anyone who had done even one hour of work in the past week as employed. A man who washed one car for two hundred naira on a Saturday was classified as employed. A woman who sold three sachets of pure water on a Monday was employed. The definition bore no relationship to the reality of Nigerian labour markets.
Eventually, the NBS adopted a broader measure that better captured underemployment and disguised unemployment, and suddenly the combined unemployment and underemployment rate jumped to over 33 percent. The economy had not changed. The measurement had changed. And this raises the question, how much of what we think we know about Nigeria is an artifact of how we measure, rather than a reflection of reality?
The GDP rebasing exercise of 2014 is another instructive example. Nigeria rebased its GDP calculations and overnight, the economy nearly doubled in size, from about $270 billion to $510 billion. Nigeria became the largest economy in Africa, overtaking South Africa. Nothing had actually changed in the real economy.
No new factories had opened. No new oil wells had started producing. The same roads were still broken. The same hospitals were still understaffed. All that had changed was the methodology.
The NBS also suffers from severe data lag. Economic data is often published months or even years after the reference period. By the time you get the inflation figure for January, it might be March or April. By the time you get the poverty data, the situation on the ground may have changed dramatically. In a fast-moving economy with volatile exchange rates and inflation, stale data is almost as useless as no data.
The Address System That Does Not Exist
One of the most fundamental pieces of data in any modern economy is the address. Where do people live? Where do businesses operate? Where should infrastructure be built? In most developed countries, every building has a unique address that can be located precisely on a map. In Nigeria, the address system is essentially non-functional outside of a few planned areas in major cities.
I live in Lagos. If I want to tell someone where my office is, I cannot simply give them a street number and name. I have to say something like, it is on Admiralty Way, Lekki Phase 1, after the second roundabout, beside the building with the MTN mast, before the yellow gate.
This is not an address. This is a set of navigation instructions. And if the MTN mast is moved or the yellow gate is painted blue, the directions become useless.
The lack of addresses has enormous consequences. E-commerce companies cannot do efficient last-mile delivery because they cannot locate customers. Emergency services cannot find people in crisis because there is no way to communicate location precisely.
Utility companies cannot map their infrastructure to customer locations. Insurance companies cannot assess risk by location. The postal system, such as it is, can barely function. The National Identity Management Commission has tried to link identities to addresses, but you cannot link to something that does not exist.
Several tech companies have tried to solve this problem. What3Words, OkHi, and others have created alternative addressing systems. But adoption is slow because the fundamental problem is for the government to solve.
Nigerian cities were built without address systems, and retrofitting addresses onto millions of unplanned buildings is an enormous logistical challenge. The NBS cannot do proper household surveys when it cannot systematically locate households. Every data collection exercise becomes an improvisation rather than a systematic process.
The irony is that Nigeria had functional address systems in colonial times and in the early post-independence era. Lagos had street names and house numbers that worked. Kaduna, Enugu, Jos, all had planned areas with proper addresses.
But as cities grew uncontrolled, as informal settlements swallowed planned areas, as new buildings went up without any registration or numbering, the address system collapsed. We had it. We lost it. We have not rebuilt it.
Why Data Matters for Policy
Let me connect this to policy, because some people will read this and think data is an abstract academic concern. It is not. Data is the foundation of every policy decision, and when the data is wrong or missing, the policies built on it are wrong too.
Consider healthcare. The World Health Organisation recommends certain doctor-to-patient ratios, nurse-to-patient ratios, and hospital-bed-to-population ratios. To know if Nigeria meets these ratios, you need to know two things: how many healthcare workers and facilities we have, and how many people we serve. We are uncertain about both numbers.
The population figure is a guess. So when the government says it is building enough hospitals, based on what? When the WHO says Nigeria is short of 200,000 doctors, based on what? We are making life-and-death decisions about healthcare infrastructure based on estimates of estimates.
Consider education. How many children are out of school in Nigeria? UNICEF says 20 million. The Federal Ministry of Education uses a different figure. State governments provide numbers that often do not add up to the national total.
Without knowing how many children are out of school, where they are, and why they are not in school, how do you design an intervention? You end up building schools where they are not needed and ignoring areas where they are desperately needed.
Consider security. The Nigerian military and police have been fighting insurgency, banditry, and communal violence across the country. Effective security operations require intelligence, and intelligence requires data.
Where are the attacks happening? What is the pattern? Who is being displaced? Where are the displaced going? How many people are affected? Without reliable data, security forces are reactive rather than proactive, responding to crises after they happen rather than predicting and preventing them.
What Other Countries Do Right
It is useful to look at what countries with functioning data systems do differently, not to shame Nigeria but to show that solutions exist. India, with its 1.4 billion people and immense complexity, conducts a census every ten years with remarkable precision.
The Aadhaar biometric ID system has enrolled over 1.3 billion people, giving India an unprecedented ability to identify and locate its citizens. This data powers everything from welfare distribution to banking to healthcare.
Rwanda, a much smaller country but one that was devastated by genocide just thirty years ago, has built one of the most impressive data systems in Africa. Every citizen has a national ID. Every village has demographic data that is regularly updated.
The government uses data dashboards to track healthcare outcomes, agricultural production, and economic indicators in near real-time. Rwanda’s GDP per capita is a fraction of Nigeria, so the argument that we cannot afford good data systems is nonsense.
Estonia, with just 1.3 million people, has gone fully digital. Every citizen interaction with the government generates data that is stored securely and used to improve services. Estonians can vote online, file taxes online, access medical records online, and register businesses online.
The government knows where every citizen lives, what they earn, and what services they use, not for surveillance but for service delivery. Nigeria has 200 times Estonia’s population and infinitely worse data.
The common thread in all these countries is political will. They decided that data was a national priority and they invested accordingly. They created independent statistical agencies with proper funding. They built digital infrastructure. They trained enumerators and analysts. They protected data from political manipulation.
Nigeria has done none of this. Our data crisis is a choice, not an inevitability.
The Private Sector Is Not Waiting
While the government fumbles, Nigeria’s private sector has been building its own data infrastructure, often out of sheer necessity. Telecom companies probably have the most comprehensive population data in Nigeria. MTN, Airtel, and Glo know where their subscribers are, when they make calls, how much they spend on airtime, and where they travel.
This data, anonymized and aggregated, could be enormously valuable for planning. Some of it is already being used by researchers and development organisations, but the full potential is untapped.
Fintech companies are also building valuable datasets. Paystack, Flutterwave, Moniepoint, OPay, and others process millions of transactions daily. They know what Nigerians buy, where they buy it, how much they spend, and how payment patterns change over time. This is economic data that the NBS would struggle to collect through traditional surveys. Banks have even more detailed financial data on their customers.
The problem is that all these private sector data exist in silos. There is no framework for aggregating it, anonymising it, and using it for public policy. There is no data-sharing agreement between the government and the private sector. And there are legitimate privacy concerns that need to be addressed. But the data exists.
Nigeria is not a data-poor country; we are a data-fragmented country. The information is there, scattered across a thousand databases, and nobody is putting it together.
Some startups are trying. Companies building mapping and addressing solutions, agricultural data platforms, health data systems, they are doing valuable work. But without government coordination and a national data strategy, these efforts remain isolated islands of excellence in an ocean of ignorance. Wetin we dey wait for?
A 12-Point Data Agenda for Nigeria
Here is what I believe Nigeria needs to do to solve its data crisis. This is not theoretical. Every one of these steps has been implemented successfully by other developing countries:
The Cost of Not Knowing
I want to close with a reflection on what it costs us to not know. Every year, the federal government distributes hundreds of billions of naira to states and local governments based on population figures that are at best twenty years old and at worst completely fabricated.
Some states are receiving more than they should. Others are receiving less. Children in some areas are being shortchanged because their state population was undercounted in 2006. That is not an administrative error. That is injustice.
Every year, donors and development organisations allocate billions of dollars to Nigeria based on data that may not reflect reality. Are they targeting the right populations? Are they funding the right interventions? Are they measuring the right outcomes?
Without reliable data, nobody knows. The money flows, the programs run, the reports are written, but whether any of it actually works is anyone’s guess.
Every year, entrepreneurs and investors make decisions about where to build businesses, where to locate factories, where to open stores, based on market data that is incomplete at best and fictional at worst. Some businesses succeed despite the bad data. Others fail because of it.
The economic cost of bad data is enormous but, ironically, unmeasurable because we do not have the data to measure it.
What gets measured gets managed. What does not get measured gets neglected.
– Peter Drucker
Nigeria, the giant of Africa, does not know how many of its children go to bed hungry. Does not know how many of its mothers die in childbirth. Does not know how many of its graduates are unemployed. Does not know how much of its GDP is in the informal sector. Does not know how many businesses operate within its borders.
This is not the profile of a giant. This is the profile of a country that has chosen ignorance over knowledge, guesswork over precision, politics over planning. Nigeria does not know where it is. How can we possibly know where we are going?
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June 16, 2026
Isreal Oyarinde
The Nigerian Data Problem: We Don’t Know How Many We Are, Where We Live, or What We Earn
In God we trust, all others bring data. – W. Edwards Deming In 2023, I was working on a business plan for a client who wanted to launch a logistics company in Kano State. Simple enough, right? Except it wasn’t. We needed basic data. The population of Kano metropolitan area, number of registered businesses, average household income, road network coverage, number of delivery addresses and that is where it became a nightmare. You would think this information would be readily available for the most populous state in Nigeria. You would be wrong. The population figure we found ranged from 9 million to 16 million depending on which source you used. The Natonal Bureau of Statistics had one number, the state government had another. The UN population estimates had a third. The World Bank used yet another figure. And the last actual census was in 2006, nearly two decades ago, when the Kano population was counted at about 9.4 million. In a state growing at maybe 3 percent annually, the current population could be anything. We were literally guessing and our guesses were not even informed by any reliable data. The number of registered businesses? No comprehensive database exists. Average household income? The NBS does household surveys, but the sample sizes are small, the methodology is questionable, and the data is years out of date by the time it is published. Road network coverage? I called three different agencies and got three completely different answers. Number of delivery addresses? Nigeria does not have a functional address system. Most streets in Kano do not have names. Most houses do not have numbers. How do you run a delivery company in a country where you cannot describe where people live? That experience crystallized something I had been thinking about for years. Nigeria does not have a data problem, Nigeria has a data crisis. We are running a country of over 200 million people essentially blind. We do not know how many we are. We do not know where we live. We do not know what we earn. We do not know what we produce. We do not know what we consume. And because we do not know any of this, every policy decision is a guess, every budget is fiction, and every business projection is built on vibes and In Sha Allah. This is not a minor administrative inconvenience. This is a fundamental governance failure that affects every aspect of Nigerian life, from healthcare to education to infrastructure to security. You cannot solve problems you cannot measure. You cannot allocate resources to populations you cannot count. You cannot plan for a future you cannot model. And yet here we are, the giant of Africa, stumbling around in the dark because we refuse to turn on the light. The Census Catastrophe Let us start with the most basic data point of all. How many Nigerians are there? The honest answer is nobody knows. Nigeria’s last census was in 2006. It counted 140 million people, a number that was immediately controversial. Northern states claimed they were undercounted. Southern states claimed the north was overcounted. Ethnic groups accused each other of inflating numbers for political advantage. The census became not a statistical exercise but a political weapon, because in Nigeria, population determines revenue allocation, political representation, and power. The 2006 census itself was riddled with problems. Enumerators were poorly trained. Some areas were inaccessible due to security concerns. The technology was outdated. There were widespread allegations of manipulation. The results were challenged in court by several states. And yet, nearly twenty years later, this deeply flawed count remains the official basis for planning in Africa largest economy. The World Bank and the UN use projections based on this flawed baseline, which means their estimates are also unreliable. A new census has been planned, postponed, replanned, and re-postponed multiple times. The National Population Commission has been promising a new census for over a decade. Each time, the exercise is derailed by political disagreements, funding shortfalls, or security concerns. Meanwhile, the gap between our population estimates and reality grows wider every year. Are we 210 million? 220 million? 230 million? Nobody can say with confidence, and the margin of error is not a few percentage points but potentially tens of millions of people. The political dimension of the census cannot be overstated. In Nigeria, population is money and power. Federal revenue allocation is partly based on population. States with larger populations get more money. The number of House of Representatives seats is based on population. So every census becomes a high-stakes political battle. Until we can decouple the census from resource allocation, or find some way to make the count politically neutral, we will continue to fight over numbers instead of collecting them. NBS and the Methodology Problem The National Bureau of Statistics is supposed to be the authoritative source of data on the Nigerian economy and society. In fairness, the NBS does important work with limited resources. But the limitations are severe, and they undermine the reliability of virtually everything the NBS publishes. Take the unemployment figure for example. For years, the NBS reported Nigeria’s unemployment rate as being in the low single digits, which was laughable to anyone who had walked through any Nigerian city and seen the armies of young people with nothing to do. The problem was methodological. The NBS was using the International Labour Organization definition of unemployment, which counted anyone who had done even one hour of work in the past week as employed. A man who washed one car for two hundred naira on a Saturday was classified as employed. A woman who sold three sachets of pure water on a Monday was employed. The definition bore no relationship to the reality of Nigerian labour markets. Eventually, the NBS adopted a broader measure that better captured underemployment and disguised unemployment, and suddenly the combined unemployment and underemployment rate jumped to over 33 percent. The economy had not changed. The measurement
May 25, 2026
Isreal Oyarinde
Can and Should the Government Solve All Issues?
Every four years, Nigerians go to the polls looking for a messiah. Not a president, not a governor, not a local government chairman —a messiah. Someone who will fix the roads, bring light, lower prices, create jobs, cure corruption, and somehow make garri affordable again. All at once. Preferably within the first 100 days. And every four years, we are disappointed. Shocked, even. As if the last ten electoral cycles did not teach us anything. I am not saying the government does not matter. It matters enormously. But there is a dangerous gap between what the government should do, what the government can do, and what Nigerians expect the government to do. And that gap is where our collective frustration lives. So let us have an honest conversation: can the government solve all our issues? Should it even try? The Nigerian Messiah Complex We have a peculiar relationship with government in Nigeria. We simultaneously despise it and depend on it completely. We curse the governor on Twitter and then write him a letter begging for school fees. We call politicians thieves, then queue up at their houses for “stomach infrastructure” during elections. This is the Messiah Complex at work. The belief that somewhere out there, there is a leader who, if only they could get into power, would transform Nigeria overnight. Tinubu will do it. Obi will do it. Atiku will do it. Insert-name-here will do it. Nobody is doing it. Not because they are all individually terrible (though some are), but because the expectation itself is impossible. No single human, no single administration, can fix a country with 200 million people, 36 states, 774 local governments, hundreds of ethnic groups, decades of infrastructure neglect, institutional decay, and a culture that treats public office as a personal ATM. The Messiah Complex is not just naive. It is actively harmful. It encourages passivity. If the government is supposed to fix everything, then your role as a citizen is simply to wait, complain, and vote every four years. You do not organize your community. You do not maintain your street. You do not build parallel systems. You just wait for the saviour who never comes. Our streets have failed, created wealth through corruption, and took a lot from the society we have. Where we differ is there is no real debate about whether the government should do more. The overwhelming demand, the overconsumption of government promises, and the lack of proper systems and due process all combine to create the illusion that more government is always the answer. What Government Should Do (And Cannot Escape) Let me be clear. There are things that only the government can and should do. As an entrepreneur, I am all too aware of the costs of government failures in my business. These crucial services are non-negotiable, and no amount of “self-reliance” rhetoric changes this. These are the government’s core functions. The problem in Nigeria is not that the government tries to do these things. The problem is that it fails spectacularly at them while simultaneously trying to do a hundred other things it has no business doing. What Government Should Not Do (But Tries Anyway) Here is where it gets controversial. The Nigerian government has a long history of inserting itself into areas where it has no comparative advantage, usually with disastrous results. The fuel subsidy, which cost Nigeria over N4 trillion in 2022 alone, is the mother of all price control disasters. Instead of letting the market price signal direct investment into refining capacity, we spent decades subsidizing consumption of imported fuel, enriching a cartel of importers, and starving the economy of resources for health, education, and infrastructure. The government is terrible at targeting, terrible at distribution, and terrible at verification. The common thread in all these failures is that the government tried to be a market actor instead of a market enabler. The government should create the conditions for economic activity —stable rules, fair enforcement, sound infrastructure not try to be the economy itself. The Private Sector Gap Now, some of you are thinking: “If the government steps back, the private sector will fill the gap.” And in many areas, that is true. Nigerian entrepreneurs are among the most resilient and creative in the world. We build fintech platforms that bypass broken banking infrastructure. We create logistics networks that work despite terrible roads. We generate our own electricity. We dig our own boreholes. We are, in many ways, already running a parallel economy. But the private sector has its own limits, especially in Nigeria. This is the fundamental tension: the government is terrible at delivering services, but the private sector will not deliver them to everyone. There are market failures that only the government can address, and there are government failures that only markets can correct. The answer is not more government or less government. It is better government in its lane, and more space for private enterprise in theirs. Self-Reliance in a Failed State Let me tell you a story. In my estate in Lagos, we got tired of waiting for the government to fix our road. It had been bad for three years. We wrote letters. We called the local government. We tagged the governor on Twitter. Nothing happened. So we taxed ourselves. Every household contributed. We hired a contractor. We fixed the road. Cost us about ₦15 million collectively. It has lasted longer than most government roads, probably because we supervised the contractor ourselves instead of letting someone’s cousin do it with substandard materials. This is self-reliance in a failing state. And it is happening all over Nigeria. This is not ideal. It creates a two-tier society where the wealthy can buy their way out of government failure while the poor suffer. But it is the pragmatic response to a government that collects taxes and delivers almost nothing in return. If you treat the government like a service provider, you have purchasing power to ask: why am I paying this
May 25, 2026
Isreal Oyarinde
How to Develop a Growth Mindset in a Country That Rewards Survival Over Ambition
I grew up in a household where the highest compliment anyone could give you was that you were ‘sharp.’ Not intelligent, not hardworking, not creative —sharp. Being sharp in the Nigerian context meant you knew how to navigate difficult situations, avoid trouble, and squeeze something out of nothing. Sharpness was the supreme virtue because sharpness kept you alive, and in a country where systems fail regularly and institutions cannot be trusted to protect you, staying ahead economically, physically, and socially was the primary objective. Nobody talked about the growth mindset. The conversation was always about today. How to survive today; how to eat today; how to pay rent today. And I understand why. Why the Growth Mindset is the Most Important Skill You Will Build When your daily existence is a series of obstacles that require all your energy and ingenuity just to survive, thinking about personal growth feels like a luxury you cannot afford. But the truth is that the survival mindset, while necessary and even admirable, is also a trap. It keeps you alive but it also keeps you exactly where you are. It is like treading water, you do not drown, but you do not go anywhere either. The growth mindset is what takes you somewhere, and developing it in a country like Nigeria is one of the most important and most difficult things you will ever do. Understanding the Survival Mindset and Why Nigeria Breeds It Before we talk about growth mindset, we need to understand what we are working against. The survival mindset is not a character flaw. It is a rational response to an irrational environment. When you live in a country where inflation can wipe out your savings overnight; where your employer can owe you six months of salary without consequence; where a medical emergency can bankrupt your entire extended family; and where the government’s primary function seems to be extracting resources from citizens rather than providing essential services, the first instinct you develop is survival. When this is your reality, of course you develop a short-term, defensive, risk-averse orientation. You focus on immediate returns because the future is uncertain and long-term investments feel like gambling. You prioritize social capital over genuine connections because knowing the right people, being connected, being ‘plugged in’ is the ultimate strategy in a country where formal institutions do not work. All of these make perfect sense as a survival strategy, and I would never criticize anyone for adopting it. I have seen instances where patients are turned away from public hospitals because “there are no beds”, yet one phone call to the right person could make a bedspace materialise. Personal relationships are the only reliable safety net where institutions are unforgivably weak. But I want you to understand that while the survival mindset keeps you safe, it also keeps you small. It prevents you from taking the calculated risks that lead to breakthrough growth. It prevents you from investing in skills and knowledge that pay off over years rather than weeks. It prevents you from building businesses and institutions that create lasting value. Ẹni tí ó bá bẹ̀rù ojúbọ a lọ sí ọjà —he who fears the shrine goes to the market instead. But the market of survival only offers subsistence, not abundance. The Nigerian environment actively punishes growth-oriented behavior in subtle and not-so-subtle ways. The formal financial system offers savings rates that are consistently below inflation, which means that saving money in a Nigerian bank is actually losing money in real terms. And if you decide to start a legitimate business, barriers to entry are so formidable that many people conclude that hustling and trading are more rational strategies than building formal enterprises. I have watched brilliant, ambitious young Nigerians get beaten down by this environment until they abandon their dreams and settle for survival. Not because they lacked talent or drive, but because the system made growth so difficult and survival so all-consuming that there was simply no space left for aspiration. This is the real tragedy of the Nigerian survival mindset. It is not that people choose survival over growth, it is that the system gives them no other viable choice. What Growth Mindset Actually Means if You Are a Young Nigerian The term ‘growth mindset’ was popularised by Carol Dweck, a psychologist at Stanford University, and it refers to the belief that your abilities, intelligence, and talents can be developed through effort, learning, and persistence, as opposed to a ‘fixed mindset,’ which assumes that these qualities are innate and unchangeable. In the Nigerian context, I want to expand this definition beyond individual psychology to include a set of practical orientations that enable long-term growth despite environmental obstacles. A Nigerian growth mindset includes the belief that you can improve through learning and effort, but it also includes the strategic patience to invest in long-term outcomes, the courage to take calculated risks in an uncertain environment, the discipline to resist the social pressure for immediate consumption, and the resilience to persist through setbacks that would crush most people. It is not about being naively optimistic or ignoring the very real obstacles that Nigerian life presents. It is about choosing to invest in your future even when the present is demanding all your attention, and doing so in a way that is smart, strategic, and grounded in reality. This is hard. I am not going to pretend it is easy. But it is the only path I know that leads from where you are to where you want to be. Rewiring Your Relationship with Failure and Risk One of the most crippling aspects of the survival mindset is its relationship with failure and risk. In survival mode, failure is catastrophic because you have no safety net. If your one income source fails, you cannot eat. If your small business collapses, you cannot pay rent. If you invest your savings and lose them, there is no social security system to catch you. This fear of failure